By Abdou Aziz Cissé, Laïty Ndiaye and CIPESA Staff Writer |

The postponement of Senegal’s presidential elections in February 2024 escalated political tensions in the west African country. In response, the Ministry of Communication, Telecommunications and Digital Economy suspended access to mobile internet, first on February 5 as parliament debated the extension of President Macky Sall’s tenure, and again on February 13 amidst civil society-led protests. The ministry claimed that social media platforms were fuelling the dissemination of “several subversive hate messages” that incited violence. 

The February 2024 restrictions on access to mobile internet were the third instance of network disruptions in the country, which had in the past kept the internet accessible during pivotal moments including elections. Last year, Senegal restricted access to the internet and banned TikTok, amidst opposition protests.

It is against this backdrop that the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA), in partnership with AfricTivistes, organised a workshop on platform accountability and content moderation on February 8, 2024. The workshop held in the capital Dakar examined the efficacy and impact of content moderation and discussed the opportunities for stakeholder collaboration and common approaches for advancing internet freedom in Senegal. 

As at September 2023, there were over 18 million internet subscribers in Senegal. Participants at the workshop acknowledged that the growth in user numbers had fueled online disinformation and hate speech, which are threatening social cohesion. However, they also raised concerns about the disproportionate responses, notably network disruptions instituted by the government, which undermine freedom of expression, access to information and citizen participation. 

According to Ababacar Diop, a Commissioner with the Personal Data Protection Commission (CDP), efforts to curb the spread of harmful and illegal content online had seen the Commission partner with popular social media platforms to explore mechanisms to effectively regulate content. He added, however, that since the platforms are not domiciled in Senegal, the partnership’s effect has been limited. Besides being the authority responsible for personal data protection, the CDP’s mandate includes ensuring that technology does not pose a threat to the rights and lives of citizens. 

The CDP’s engagements with platforms complemented user reporting of harmful and illegal content and the trusted partner programme. However, participants noted that user reports and trusted partner programmes are heavily subjective, with users and partners sometimes flagging content as inappropriate or dangerous “solely based on their opinions”. “Moderation policies by platforms and governments must be alive to differing contexts and opinions,” said Serge Koué, a blogger and Information Technology expert. Moreover, algorithm-based content moderation measures are also prone to the same challenge, as they do not understand local context and languages, according to Pape Ismaïla Dieng, Communication and Advocacy Officer at AfricTivistes.

The complexities in content moderation were further highlighted with case studies from Nigeria and Uganda. In 2021, former Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari announced a countrywide ban on Twitter following the deletion of a tweet from his account about the Biafra civil war. Twitter claimed the tweet violated the platform’s policy on “abusive behaviour.” Twitter was blocked from operating in the country following this face-off. In October 2021,the government issued several conditions for lifting the ban. It required Twitter to set up a local office, pay tax locally and cooperate with the Nigerian government to regulate harmful tweets. The platform remained banned in the country until January 2022. 

In Uganda, during the 2021 election period, Facebook and Twitter suspended the accounts of various pro-government individuals over what Facebook described as “Coordinated Inauthentic Behaviour (CIB)” to suit the online narrative interests of the ruling party. The platforms’ actions  sparked the ire of President Yoweri Museveni who responded by stating in a national address that, “If you want to take sides against the (ruling party), then that group will not operate in Uganda,” adding that, “We cannot tolerate this arrogance of anybody coming to decide for us who is good and who is bad.” A day later on January 11, 2021, access to social media was blocked and two days later the internet as a whole was blocked as citizens prepared to go to the polls. Facebook remains blocked to-date. 

The experiences from Nigeria and Uganda highlighted not only the role of public figures as perpetrators of harmful content but also the impact of the unchecked power of governments to censor and restrict access to platforms in direct response to content moderation based on platforms’ Community Standards.

During the workshop, Olivia Tchamba, Meta’s Public Policy Manager for Francophone Africa, stated that the platform was committed to striking a balance between giving users a voice and ensuring the predominance of reliable information. She added that regulation coupled with responsible user behaviour should be the norm. 

CIPESA’s Programme Manager Ashnah Kalemera also reiterated that content moderation requires a multi-stakeholder and multi-faceted approach not only involving platforms and regulators but also users. 

The workshop, which was attended by 25 participants including journalists, social media influencers, human rights defenders and staff of civil society organisations, called on platforms to ensure their terms of use are available in multiple languages, increase transparency in their content moderation processes, and promote awareness and understanding among African users of recourse mechanisms. 

They also emphasised that consolidating efforts such as by civil society, the CDP and Meta’s Oversight Board in line with national laws and international human rights standards, would help create a social media ecosystem that upholds freedom of expression and privacy, among other rights. 
Whereas the Senegalese Constitutional Court ruled against the postponement of elections, a new date for the polls is yet to be determined. The dialogue during CIPESA’s and AfricTivistes workshop is critical as tensions continue to simmer online and offline, and sets the pace for similar engagements in other African countries set to go to the polls during 2024 and the push for increased tech accountability.

The post Senegal Elections: CIPESA and AfricTivistes Engage Key Stakeholders on Content Moderation appeared first on Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).

Announcement |

It’s time to mark your calendars for the annual Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa (FIFAfrica) held annually to contribute to and coincide with the International Day for Universal Access to Information (IDUAI). The 2024 edition will be held on September 25-27.

By placing internet freedom directly on the agenda of key stakeholders, including African policymakers, journalists, policy makers, activists, global platform operators, telecommunications companies, regulators, human rights defenders, academia, law enforcement, and the media, FIFAfrica sets the stage for concerted efforts to advance digital rights in Africa and promote the multi-stakeholder model of internet governance.

Now in its 11th year, FIFAfrica has grown to serve as a vital response to the mounting obstacles facing internet freedom across African nations, including threats such as arrests and intimidation of online users, internet disruptions, and the proliferation of regressive laws and regulations that stifle the potential of digital technology for socio-economic and political development on the continent.

This year, FIFAfrica24 will serve as a key channel that informs the way ahead for digital rights in Africa and the role that different stakeholders need to play to realise the Digital Transformation Strategy for Africa and Declaration 15 of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The Declaration notes that the spread of information and communications technology and global interconnectedness has great potential to accelerate human progress, to bridge the digital divide and develop knowledge societies.

FIFAfrica offers something for everyone! Be sure to save the date and don’t miss this chance to be part of the #InternetFreedomAfrica movement dedicated to protecting and promoting internet freedom across the continent.

Stay tuned for more details and registration information!

The post Save the Date: The Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa (FIFAfrica24) September 25-27, 2024! appeared first on Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).

By Juliet Nanfuka |

Today, the world celebrates International Women’s Day 2024 under the theme of #InspireInclusion, which encourages the realisation of a gender-equal world free of bias, stereotypes and discrimination. However, amidst the global celebration, it is crucial to spotlight the persistent challenges faced by African female journalists, both online and offline.

A 2020 global survey conducted by UNESCO confirmed a disturbing trend: online attacks targeting women journalists are on the rise at an alarming rate. These attacks are part of a deliberate strategy to intimidate, degrade, and silence women in the media industry. Such violence aims to instill fear, undermine professionalism, discredit journalistic integrity, erode trust in factual reporting, and ultimately stifle women’s active participation in public discourse especially as these attacks don’t just affect the targeted journalists – they also impact their sources and audiences, encourage self-censorship leading to a chilling effect on freedom of expression and access to information.

Research shows that the tactics used to attack women journalists is dominated by online trolling which often takes the form of gendered and sexualised attacks and, often involves body shaming. Trolling which has evolved into the practice of coordinated cyber armies that run campaigns – sometimes sponsored by some government officials and other powerful political actors.

It should be noted that online violence also shifts into offline spaces – with potentially deadly consequences. However, despite this, there remains a disturbing trend, particularly for African women journalists who experience online abuse – they often hesitate to seek justice and, when they do, encounter challenges in having their complaints taken seriously and thoroughly investigated.

Notably, the low levels of digital security skills and the inadequacy of existing laws in tackling trolling and Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence (TFGBV), only exacerbate the challenges African women journalists face in the profession.

African female journalists are instrumental in conveying key narratives, shedding light on issues of importance, and amplifying marginalised voices and concerns. However, the increased affronts to their profession and presence in online discourse encourage self-censorship and unmeasurable impact on access to information and freedom of expression of this key segment of society.

In the first Africa Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety Report released in 2022, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) in partnership with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) reiterated the growing presence of Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence (TFGBV) as a deterrent to press freedom, especially for women.

It is against this backdrop that CIPESA has consistently pursued various interventions aimed at enhancing the safety and inclusion of women in online spaces. Some of the initiatives have been specific to addressing the needs of African women journalists, such as a Media Masterclass and Reporting Grant, research into online safe spaces for women, both of which were conducted under the WomenAtWeb project of Deutsche Welle (DW). Further, CIPESA gave grants aimed at enhancing gendered digital inclusion and women journalists’ safety under the Africa Digital Rights Fund to beneficiaries in Somalia, Malawi and Tanzania, as well as in Ghana and Nigeria. 

This year, in partnership with the International Programme for the Development of Communication (IPDC) of UNESCO, CIPESA is supporting media development efforts to promote a safe, independent, and pluralistic press, including through addressing the gender dynamics of media freedom and journalists’ safety in Africa.

In recognition of Women’s Month, a series of workshops will be hosted alongside Digital Security Cafes for women journalists, media practitioners, and content producers in Ethiopia, Tanzania, and Uganda.

The workshops will include discussions based on the findings of Africa Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety Report with a focus on elevating awareness of what can be done to pursue more inclusive measures for women journalists.

Further women’s month efforts will be a webinar on African women in politics with the aim of highlighting the importance of increased political inclusion of women in politics.  The role of active online engagement will be highlighted as a key driver enabling the needs of women in politics in various African countries and as a tool to participate in the information society meaningfully.  More importantly, the webinar will cast a spotlight on how women in active politics in various African countries are pushing back against the negative narratives online and the role that actors such as policy makers  and platforms have to play in addressing TFGBV associated with political spaces and discourse.

Register to participate in the webinar here. 

The post Inspiring Inclusion on Women’s Day 2024 appeared first on Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).

By Tusi Fokane |

The ubiquity of generative artificial intelligence (AI)-based applications across various sectors has led to debates on the most effective regulatory approach to encourage innovation whilst minimising risks. The benefits and potential of AI are evident in various industries ranging from financial and customer services to education, agriculture and healthcare. AI holds particular promise for developing countries to transform their societies and economies. 

However, there are concerns that, without adequate regulatory safeguards, AI technologies could further exacerbate existing governance concerns around ethical deployment, privacy, algorithmic bias, workforce disruptions, transparency, and disinformation. Stakeholders have called for increased engagement and collaboration between policymakers, academia, and industry to develop legal and regulatory frameworks and standards for ethical AI adoption. 

The Global North has taken a leading position in exploring various regulatory modalities. These range from risk-based or proportionate regulation as proposed by the European Commission’s AI Act. Countries such as Finland and Estonia have opted for a greater focus on maintaining trust and collaboration at national level by adopting a human-centric approach to AI. The United Kingdom (UK) has taken a “context-specific” approach, embedding AI regulation within existing regulatory institutions. Canada has prioritised bias and discrimination, whereas other jurisdictions such as France, Germany and Italy have opted for greater emphasis on transparency and accountability in developing AI regulation. 

On the other hand, China has taken a more firm approach to AI regulation, distributing policy responsibility amongst existing standards bodies. The United States of America (USA) has adopted an incremental approach, introducing additional guidance to existing legislation and emphasising rights and safety. 

Whilst there are divergent approaches to AI regulation, there is at least some agreement, at a muti-lateral level, on the need for a human-rights based approach to ensure ethical AI deployment which respects basic freedoms, fosters transparency and accountability, and promotes diversity and inclusivity through actionable policies and specific strategies. 

Developments in AI regulation in Africa

Regulatory responses in Africa have been disparate, although the publication of the African Union Development Agency (AUDA-NEPAD) White Paper: Regulation and Responsible Adoption of AI for Africa Towards Achievement of AU Agenda 2063 is anticipated to introduce greater policy coherence. The White Paper follows the 2021 AI blueprint and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights Resolution 473, which calls for a human-rights-centred approach to AI governance. 

The White Paper calls for a harmonised approach to AI adoption and underscores the importance of developing an enabling governance framework to “provide guidelines for implementation and also keep AI development in check for negative impacts.” Furthermore, the White Paper calls on member states to adopt national AI strategies that emphasise data safety, security and protection in an effort to promote the ethical use of AI. 

The White Paper proposes a mixed regulatory and governance framework, depending on the AI use-case. First, the proposals encompass self-regulation, which would be enforced through sectoral codes of conduct, and which offer a degree of flexibility to match an evolving AI landscape. Second, the White Paper suggests the adoption of standards and certification to establish industry benchmarks. The third proposal is for a distinction between hard and soft regulation, depending on the identified potential for harm. Finally, the White Paper calls for AI regulatory sandboxes to allow for testing under regulatory supervision. 

Figure 1: Ethical AI framework

However, there are still concerns that African countries are lagging behind in fostering AI innovation and putting in place the necessary regulatory framework. According to the 2023 Government AI Readiness Index, Benin, Mauritius, Rwanda, Senegal, and South Africa are ahead in government efforts around AI out of the 24 African countries assessed. The index measures a country’s progress against four pillars: government/strategy, data & infrastructure, technology sector, and global governance/international collaboration.  

The national AI strategies of Mauritius, Rwanda, Egypt, Kenya, Senegal and Benin have a strong focus on infrastructure and economic development whilst also laying the foundation for AI regulation within their jurisdictions. For its part, Nigeria has adopted a more collaborative approach in co-creating its National Artificial Intelligence Strategy, with calls for input from AI researchers. 

Thinking beyond technical AI regulation 

Despite increasingly positive signs of AI adoption in Africa, there are concerns that the pace of AI regulation on the continent is too slow, and that it may not be fit for purpose for local and national conditions. Some analysts have warned against wholesale adoption of policies and strategies imported from the Global North, and which may fail to consider country-specific contexts.

Some Global South academics and civil society organisations have raised questions regarding the importation of regulatory standards from the Global North, some even referring to the practice as ‘data colonialism’. The apprehension of copy-pasting Global North standards is premised on the continent’s over-reliance on Big Tech digital ecosystems and infrastructure. Researchers indicate that “These context-sensitive issues raised on various continents can best be understood as a combination of social and technical systems. As AI systems make decisions about the present and future through classifying information and developing models from historical data, one of the main critiques of AI has been that these technologies reproduce or heighten existing inequalities involving gender, race, coloniality, class and citizenship.” 

Other stakeholders caution against ‘AI neocolonialism’, which replicates Western conventions, often resulting in poor labour outcomes and stifling the potential for the development of local AI approaches.  

Proposals for African solutions for AI deployment 

There is undoubtedly a need for ethical and effective AI regulation in Africa. This calls for the development of strategies and a context-specific regulatory and legal foundation, and this has been occurring in various stages. African policy-makers should ensure a multi-stakeholder and collaborative approach to designing AI governance solutions in order to ensure ethical AI, which respects human rights, is transparent and inclusive. This becomes even more significant given the potential risks to AI during election season on the continent. 
Beyond framing local regulatory solutions, stakeholders have called for African governments to play a greater role in global AI discussions to guard against regulatory blindspots that may emerge from importing purely Western approaches. Perhaps the strongest call is for African leaders to leverage expertise on the continent, and promote greater collaboration amongst African policymakers. 

The post Towards Ethical AI Regulation in Africa appeared first on Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).

By Edrine Wanyama |

Leaders in charge of various data protection agencies and Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) who met at the East African Exchange on Data Protection held in Kampala, Uganda on March 6, 2024, recognised the need to buttress data protection by promoting the right to privacy in the region. 

The event drew representatives of government agencies and CSOs from Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda. Speaking to the importance of the Data Exchange programme, Stella Alibateese, the Director of the National Personal Data Protection Office in Uganda emphasised the need to enhance the right to privacy. 

“As we navigate these waters, we must recognise the diverse stages of development and implementation of data protection and privacy laws across our partner states in the East African Community,” she said. “Yet, within this diversity lies our strength – the unparalleled opportunity for knowledge exchange, peer learning, and collective growth.”

Dr. Chris Baryomunsi, Uganda’s Minister of ICT and National Guidance, underscored the need for collaboration in dealing with the complexities of data protection. “As a bloc, we must therefore embrace innovative solutions and continue these collaborative efforts amongst regulators, development partners, businesses, and the general public so as to achieve effective data protection and respect for privacy rights,” said Baryomunsi. “I am confident that the outcomes of this knowledge exchange will go a long way in defining a regional approach to addressing emerging threats in data protection.”

Data privacy is necessary for enhancing state relations in trade and business. This includes e-commerce, transport, movement of goods and services, efficiency of service delivery, movement of persons and labour, and information exchange for a quicker economic integration process.

While the East Africa Community (EAC) stands on four pillars (the Customs Union, the Common Market, Monetary Union and Political Federation), which are the core foundations for economic development, the Customs Union, movement of persons, movement workers and the Monetary Union involve mass collection of personal data including in trade and business and travel. 

Additionally, not all the states in the region have established strong safeguards on data protection and privacy. For instance, while Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda have specific legislation on data protection, some of the laws are criticised for failing to meet internationally accepted standards by, among others, not having clear and independent authorities to oversee and manage personal data and privacy. Another concern is that Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo are yet to enact specific laws on data protection, which puts data movement in the region at risk. 

At the regional level, the Draft EAC Legal Framework For Cyber Laws of 2008 has been largely unimplemented. Also, Rwanda is the only country within the EAC that has signed and ratified the African Union Convention on Cyber Security and Personal Data Protection, (the Malabo Convention). As such there is no unified code or standard on data protection and privacy in the region.

Nevertheless, according to Annette Ssemuwemba, Deputy Secretary General for Customs, Trade and Monetary Affairs at the EAC, the bloc is undertaking measures to come up with a harmonised framework on data security. She said such a harmonised framework has the potential to inform data protection practices across the region with high chances of setting a common standard amongst the member states. 

Meanwhile, the existing data protection agencies in the EAC Member States face common challenges. These include limited financial resources, lack of sufficient technical and competent staff with a firm grasp of data protection and privacy issues, and receiving of complaints which are not necessarily related to the right to privacy. These challenges have undermined the potential of a transformational data privacy era in the region including in carrying out investigations into data breaches and adjudicating complaints. 

Nevertheless, the need to leverage more opportunities for data exchange were highlighted. These include through knowledge exchange, collaboration, governments’ political will, professionalisation of the technology sector, independence of the data protection agencies, ratification of the Malabo Convention, picking lessons from the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) of the European Union and the adoption of a uniform code for personal data protection in the region. Such measures could spur the protection and promotion of the right to privacy nationally, regionally, and internationally. Similarly, EAC countries without data protection should swiftly enact them to be on the same page with the rest.

The post Robust Data Protection Standards Could Spur Regional Economic Integration appeared first on Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).

Event |

Gender diversity in political leadership is critical for promoting equity, inclusion, and economic benefits. However, gender disparities in political participation still exist globally, particularly in Africa. Digital technologies can assist in solving this disparity given their ability to give voice and civic agency to different political actors, especially women, and space for political engagement. As enshrined in Sustainable Development Goal 5 on Gender Equality, digital technologies have the potential to increase women’s inclusion, participation, and engagement in politics, providing them with a platform to have their voices heard. Indeed, women in politics are increasingly leveraging the power of various digital tools, and in particular social media platforms, to connect with their constituencies. 

Despite this reliance on online social platforms, women in politics have also become the targets of online threats and abuse. These attacks are heightened during election periods and when women voice dissenting opinions. This technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV) not only impedes women’s equitable and meaningful participation in public offices but also their long-term willingness to engage in public life. Further, it negatively influences the broader spectrum of women consuming or engaging with their content and consequently undermines the realization of the Sustainable Development Goals. 

Addressing these challenges is essential to ensure that digital technologies become true enablers for the enhancement of women’s participation in democracy and good governance, including in politics, rather than exacerbating existing disparities in Africa. 

This month, we join the global community in celebrating women under the themes of #InspireInclusion, which encourages the realisation of a gender-equal world free of bias, stereotypes and discrimination. However, amidst the global celebration, it is crucial to spotlight the  persistent TFGBV faced by African women in politics and the need to increase investment into addressing these concerns as highlighted by the United Nations campaign themed #InvestInWomen.

In an upcoming webinar, the Collaboration in International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) will focus on the importance of increased political inclusion of women in politics. The role of active online engagement will be highlighted as a key driver in enabling the needs of women in politics in various African countries and as a tool to meaningfully participate in the information society.  More importantly, the webinar will cast a spotlight on how women in active politics in various African countries are pushing back against the violence and negative narratives online and the role that legal frameworks and platforms have to play in addressing TFGBV associated with political spaces and discourse.  

Webinar details

Date:  March 15, 2024

Time: 14:00-15:00 (Nairobi Time).

Register to participate in the webinar here. 

The post Webinar: How African Women in Politics Are Pushing Back Against Tech-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence appeared first on Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).

Par Abdou Aziz Cissé, Laïty Ndiaye et rédacteur du CIPESA |

Le report des élections présidentielles au Sénégal en février 2024 a exacerbé les tensions politiques dans le pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest. En réponse, le Ministère de la Communication, des Télécommunications et de l’Économie Numérique a suspendu l’accès à Internet mobile, d’abord le 5 février alors que le parlement débattait de la prolongation du mandat du Président Macky Sall, puis à nouveau le 13 février au milieu de manifestations de la société civile. Le ministère a affirmé que les plateformes de médias sociaux alimentaient la diffusion de “plusieurs messages haineux subversifs” incitant à la violence.

Les restrictions de février 2024 sur l’accès à Internet mobile constituaient la troisième instance de perturbations du réseau dans le pays, qui avait précédemment maintenu l’accès à Internet disponible lors de moments cruciaux, notamment les élections. L’année dernière, le Sénégal a restreint l’accès à Internet et interdit TikTok, au milieu de manifestations de l’opposition.

C’est dans ce contexte que la Collaboration sur les Politiques Internationales des TIC pour l’Afrique de l’Est et Australe (CIPESA), en partenariat avec AfricTivistes, a organisé un atelier sur la responsabilité des plateformes et la modération du contenu le 8 février 2024. L’atelier, qui s’est tenu dans la capitale Dakar, a examiné l’efficacité et l’impact de la modération du contenu et a discuté des opportunités de collaboration entre les parties prenantes et des approches communes pour promouvoir la liberté d’Internet au Sénégal.

En septembre 2023, il y avait plus de 18 millions d’abonnés à Internet au Sénégal. Les participants à l’atelier ont reconnu que la croissance du nombre d’utilisateurs alimentait la désinformation en ligne et les discours de haine, qui menacent la cohésion sociale. Cependant, ils ont également exprimé des préoccupations concernant les réponses disproportionnées, notamment les perturbations du réseau instituées par le gouvernement, qui portent atteinte à la liberté d’expression, à l’accès à l’information et à la participation citoyenne.

Selon Ababacar Diop, Commissaire à la Commission de Protection des Données Personnelles (CDP), les efforts visant à freiner la diffusion de contenus nuisibles et illégaux en ligne ont conduit la Commission à collaborer avec des plateformes de médias sociaux populaires pour explorer des mécanismes permettant de réguler efficacement le contenu. Il a ajouté cependant que, comme les plateformes ne sont pas domiciliées au Sénégal, l’effet du partenariat a été limité. En plus d’être l’autorité chargée de la protection des données personnelles, le mandat de la CDP comprend également la garantie que la technologie ne constitue pas une menace pour les droits et la vie des citoyens.

Les engagements de la CDP avec les plateformes complétaient les signalements d’utilisateurs concernant des contenus nuisibles et illégaux et le programme de partenariat de confiance. Cependant, les participants ont noté que les signalements d’utilisateurs et les programmes de partenariat de confiance étaient fortement subjectifs, les utilisateurs et les partenaires signalant parfois des contenus comme inappropriés ou dangereux “uniquement sur la base de leurs opinions”. “Les politiques de modération des plateformes et des gouvernements doivent tenir compte des contextes et opinions différents”, a déclaré Serge Koué, blogueur et expert en technologie de l’information. De plus, les mesures de modération du contenu basées sur des algorithmes sont également sujettes au même défi, car elles ne comprennent pas le contexte local et les langues, selon Pape Ismaïla Dieng, Responsable de la Communication et du Plaidoyer chez AfricTivistes.

Les complexités liées à la modération du contenu ont été mises en lumière avec des études de cas du Nigeria et de l’Ouganda. En 2021, l’ancien Président nigérian Muhammadu Buhari a annoncé une interdiction nationale de Twitter suite à la suppression d’un tweet de son compte sur la guerre civile du Biafra. Twitter a affirmé que le tweet violait la politique de la plateforme sur “le comportement abusif”. Twitter a été bloqué dans le pays à la suite de cet affrontement. En octobre 2021, le gouvernement a émis plusieurs conditions pour lever l’interdiction. Il exigeait que Twitter ouvre un bureau local, paie des impôts localement et coopère avec le gouvernement nigérian pour réguler les tweets nuisibles. La plateforme est restée interdite dans le pays jusqu’en janvier 2022.

En Ouganda, pendant la période électorale de 2021, Facebook et Twitter ont suspendu les comptes de divers individus pro-gouvernementaux pour ce que Facebook a décrit comme “Comportement Inauthentique Coordonné (CIC)” afin de servir les intérêts narratifs en ligne du parti au pouvoir. Les actions des plateformes ont suscité la colère du Président Yoweri Museveni qui a répondu en déclarant lors d’une allocution nationale que : “Si vous voulez prendre parti contre le (parti au pouvoir), alors ce groupe n’opérera pas en Ouganda”, ajoutant que : “Nous ne pouvons pas tolérer cette arrogance de quiconque venant décider pour nous qui est bon et qui est mauvais.” Un jour plus tard, le 11 janvier 2021, l’accès aux médias sociaux a été bloqué et deux jours plus tard, Internet dans son ensemble a été bloqué alors que les citoyens se préparaient à aller voter. Facebook reste bloqué à ce jour.

Les expériences du Nigeria et de l’Ouganda ont mis en lumière non seulement le rôle des personnalités publiques en tant qu’auteurs de contenus nuisibles, mais aussi l’impact du pouvoir non contrôlé des gouvernements pour censurer et restreindre l’accès aux plateformes en réponse directe à la modération du contenu basée sur les Normes Communautaires des plateformes.

Pendant l’atelier, Olivia Tchamba, Responsable des Politiques Publiques de Meta pour l’Afrique francophone, a déclaré que la plateforme s’engageait à trouver un équilibre entre donner la parole aux utilisateurs et garantir la prédominance de l’information fiable. Elle a ajouté que la réglementation associée à un comportement utilisateur responsable devrait être la norme.

La Directrice de Programme de CIPESA, Ashnah Kalemera, a également souligné que la modération du contenu nécessite une approche multi-parties prenantes et multifacette impliquant non seulement les plateformes et les régulateurs, mais aussi les utilisateurs.

L’atelier, auquel ont participé 25 personnes, dont des journalistes, des influenceurs des médias sociaux, des défenseurs des droits de l’homme et du personnel d’organisations de la société civile, a appelé les plateformes à garantir que leurs conditions d’utilisation soient disponibles dans plusieurs langues, à accroître la transparence de leurs processus de modération du contenu, et à promouvoir la sensibilisation et la compréhension des utilisateurs africains sur les mécanismes de recours.

Ils ont également souligné que la consolidation des efforts, tels que ceux de la société civile, du CDP et du Conseil de Surveillance de Meta, conformément aux lois nationales et aux normes internationales en matière de droits de l’homme, contribuerait à créer un écosystème des médias sociaux qui défend la liberté d’expression et la vie privée, entre autres droits. Alors que la Cour Constitutionnelle sénégalaise s’est prononcée contre le report des élections, une nouvelle date pour les élections reste à déterminer. Le dialogue lors de l’atelier de CIPESA et d’AfricTivistes est crucial alors que les tensions continuent de bouillonner en ligne et hors ligne, et donne le ton pour des engagements similaires dans d’autres pays africains devant se rendre aux urnes en 2024 et pour la promotion de la responsabilité accrue des technologies.

The post Élections au Sénégal : CIPESA et AfricTivistes impliquent les principaux acteurs concernant la modération du contenu appeared first on Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).

By Edrine Wanyama |

The Resolution on Internet Shutdowns and Elections in Africa adopted by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights at its 78^th Private Ordinary Session on March 8, 2024, marks a progressive step for electoral democracy in Africa.

Anchored on  the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Good Governance and other regional and international human rights instruments, the resolution calls on African countries to take the necessary legislative and other measures to ensure unrestricted and uninterrupted access to the internet in the period leading up to, during and after elections. Article 4(1) of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Good Governance calls on State Parties to promote democracy, the rule of law and human rights.

In addition, the resolution calls on states to refrain from ordering internet and telecommunications service providers from shutting down or disrupting internet access and other digital communication platforms. It also requires these service providers to inform users of potential disruptions and to exercise due diligence to expeditiously resolve any disruptions.

Article 9 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, and Principles 37(2), 38(1) and 38(2) of the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa, recognise and emphasise the value of freedom of expression and access to information, including through the use of digital technologies. Similarly, Article 26 of the Guidelines on Access to Information and Elections in Africa calls on telecommunications and broadcasting media regulators and national security agencies in both the public and private spheres to refrain from acts that seek to block the internet during electoral processes. 

Notably, the resolution is a wake-up call for African countries as they head into elections to safeguard the credibility of elections since internet shutdowns often discredit electoral processes, raise suspicions of states’ actions, and raise questions about the accountability and transparency of electoral processes. 

Thus the resolution is a timely intervention this year when 21 African countries ( Algeria, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Chad, Comoros, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea-Bissau, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, South Sudan, Tanzania, Togo and Tunisia) will hold elections.

CIPESA commends the Commission for issuing this fundamental resolution which shines a light on the significance of the internet in facilitating freedom of expression and access to information, which are key tenets of electoral processes. 

According to Ashnah Kalemera, the Programmes Manager at CIPESA, “This resolution is a welcome milestone which reflects CIPESA’s and partners’ consistent advocacy against network disruptions in Africa. The timing is critical given that 2024 is the year of democracy, with many countries on the continent going to the polls. ” 

Meanwhile, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Good Governance has so far been ratified by 38 member States. Many countries that are yet to ratify the instrument, such as Eswatini, Gabon, Morocco, Somalia, Tanzania, the Democratic  Republic of Congo, Tunisia and Uganda, have implemented internet disruptions during electoral processes.

In line with the provisions of the resolution, CIPESA will continue to enhance its efforts to advocate for open access to the internet as a tool for advancing freedom of expression, access to information and participation in electoral democracy. 

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By CIPESA Writer |

Over the last couple of years, digital and social media have come to play a central role in elections in Africa. That role has many bright sides, such as enabling swift voter education by electoral bodies, efficient campaigns by candidates, as well as monitoring and reporting malpractice. For the bigger part, in many African countries, the focus has centred on the negative impacts of digital platforms that often threaten social cohesion and electoral integrity, so much so that social media and sometimes all of the internet have been blocked at crucial times of the electoral cycle.

Concerns about ‘not throwing out the baby with the bathwater’, as some countries have appeared to do with drastic measures such as network disruptions, elicited a need for guidelines on how digital platforms, including social networking sites and private messaging applications, should be utilised during elections. Such guidelines would nurture the great potential that these media can deliver to candidates, political parties, and Election Management Bodies (EMBs), and to electoral integrity, while combating disinformation, hate speech, Technology-Facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV), and other harms that they can enable.

This is the spirit behind the development of the Principles and Guidelines for the Use of Digital and Social Media in Elections in Africa, which were launched in South Africa on  February 27-29, 2024 at an event where the country’s deputy president, Paul Mashatile, was guest of honour. The Guidelines are the brainchild of the Association of African Election Authorities (AAEA), whose General Assembly endorsed them in November 2023 in Cotonou, Benin. The Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC) coordinated the development of the Guidelines, with support from the African Union Commission, the United Nations Electoral Assistance Division (EAD), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and various African experts and civil society groups including the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).

The stated objective of the Guidelines is to enhance the capacities of EMBs and other relevant electoral stakeholders to harness the advantages of social media and tackle the adverse effects of new and emerging digital technologies.

The Guidelines could help to stem the growing use of social media, including by state officials, opposition parties and “paid influencers” to sow disinformation and undermine electoral integrity, prompt platforms to do more to moderate harmful content, pave way for regulating political advertising, hopefully deter such antics as Cambridge Analytica played in elections in Kenya and Nigeria, and discourage internet disruptions that create an information vacuum and undermine electoral credibility.

Launching the Guidelines represents a major step in developing a crucial normative framework which entities around the continent should embrace. Indeed, in this crucial year in which up to 16 African countries will hold national/presidential elections, electoral authorities and other stakeholders would do well to adopt the use of the guidelines. Popularising the Guidelines will be critical for their uptake.

The adoption of the Principles and Guidelines signalled a new era for EMBs in the quest to reap the benefits of digital and social media while also investigating ways to mitigate the inherent harms that could jeopardise the credibility of electoral processes. Paul Mashatile, South Africa’s Deputy President.

The Guidelines encourage African EMBs to develop a clear and comprehensive plan for responsible social media use during election campaigns. They also lay down guidelines for various stakeholders, including the media and civil society organisations.

Furthemore, as noted by the IEC, they encourage African member states and regulatory authorities to refrain from imposing measures that might disrupt access to the internet, and to digital and social media. They call on social media operators to treat political parties and candidates equitably and ensure that their online messaging, including that of their supporters, does not undermine electoral integrity or contravene human rights.

On Responsibilities of Social Media Companies: In line with the United Nations’ Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs), digital and social media must put in place processes for human rights due diligence and human rights impact assessment to identify, prevent, mitigate and account for how they address their impacts on human rights during the electoral cycle, and disclose these processes for transparency and accountability.

In sum, these timely guidelines, if implemented, could help combat digital harms and enhance electoral integrity across the continent.

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By Peter G. Mwesige |

The viral #UgandaParliamentExhibition hashtag campaign on X on the excesses of the Ugandan parliament has once again put digital media at the centre of debate on citizen agency in the demand for transparency and accountability from duty bearers.

Fifteen years or so ago, the jury was still out on whether digital platforms including social media were a boon to citizen participation or the bane of meaningful political action. Even more recently, “hashtag activism” or what some called “slacktivism” was still being dismissed as “performative activism” that inhibited offline participation or created the illusion of participation.

The debate remains unsettled, but there is no denying that social media platforms have “democratised access to information” and offered alternative avenues for citizens to amplify their voice in the demand for accountability from those that hold power.    

The Ugandan online exhibitions were started last year by Dr. Jimmy Spire Ssentongo, an academic, cartoonist, and social commentator. He has described them as “an open invitation to the public, to whoever has an issue about a particular institution or sector to come out … a public initiative to demand for accountability; to showcase things (people) are not happy about; to showcase their pain.”

From the #UgandaPotholeExhibition, the #UgandaHealthExhibition, the #UgandaNGOExhibition (where the activists appeared to devour their own), the #UgandaLabourExhibition, the #UgandaSecurityExhibition and so on, activists have been joined by Ugandans from all walks of life to shine the torchlight on pressing public concerns.

The #UgandaParliamentExhibition is slightly different. It has been organised under the AGORA Centre for Research, the brainchild of journalist and lawyer Agather Atuhaire, who recently won the U.S. State Department International Women of Courage Award (and last year won the European Union’s Human Rights Defenders’ Award in Uganda), fellow lawyer Godwin Toko, and others. Sharing evidence from official records, highlighting standout posts on digital flyers, throwing in the occasional handwritten satirical stingers from Ssentongo, and complementing tweeting with X Spaces, AGORA has flooded the zone with evidence of abuse of public funds at parliament. The vociferous Anthony Natif of Public Square and exiled activist and author Kakwenza Rukirabasaija have also lit up the exhibition.

In a space of about two weeks the #UgandaParliamentExhibition laid bare the scope of the abuse of public funds in the August House as well as blatant nepotism and favouritism in recruitment of staff.  The exhibition laid this at the door of the Speaker of Parliament Anita Among and the Parliamentary Commission that she heads, whose members include the Prime Minister, the Minister of Finance, the Leader of the Opposition (LoP) and a few Members of Parliament (MPs) representing both the ruling party and the opposition.

At the heart of the expose is the billions of shillings that have been spent in travel allowances, and the so-called corporate social responsibility by the Speaker, as well as the “service awards” that were passed as “personal to holder” for the former LoP Mathias Mpuuga and Commissioners Solomon Silwany, Prossy Akampurira Mbabazi, and Esther Afoyochan, all representing the ruling National Resistance Movement. Mpuuga bagged Uganda Shillings (UGX) 500 million, equivalent to 130,000 US Dollars (USD) while three Commissioners received UGX 400 million each.

The service award for the former LoP has already caused a storm in his party, the National Unity Platform, which has asked him to resign from the Commission. Other interest groups, such as the Uganda Law Society, have also weighed in, saying by participating in a meeting that passed awards which would benefit them personally, Mpuuga and the other commissioners violated the Leadership Code. 

The Speaker has refused to entertain any debate on what has been exposed by the #UgandaParliamentExhibition despite calls by a number of MPs that the institution should be held accountable in the same way it holds other government agencies to account. She remained adamant last week when new LoP Joel Ssenyonyi condemned the “deafening silence” by parliament on the issues raised on social media and the ruling party “rebel MP” Theodore Ssekikubo demanded a response to the “grave allegations” of impropriety and profligacy. “Me to answer you on hearsay, on things you have cooked on social media because I have said no to bum-shafting, I will not,” Among responded.

“Bum-shafting” was a derogatory reference to homosexuality, which is outlawed in Uganda. Under Among’s stewardship, parliament last year passed the Anti-Homosexuality Act, 2023, attracting backlash from the international community that has seen Uganda lose development funding.

Interestingly, Speaker Among had previously commended the online exhibitions. During the #UgandaHealthExhibition last year, she “urge(d) both public servants and political leaders to take feedback from the public in good faith and use it to improve further.”

President Yoweri Museveni had earlier responded to the #KampalaPotholeExhibition by directing the Ministry of Finance to release UGX 6 billion for emergency road repairs in the city. He has this time joined the Speaker to condemn the online activists. “How can you talk so much about Anita Among? (What) about those working for foreigners? We are going to expose those traitors,” Museveni said on March 23, 2024, after commissioning the Speaker’s Bukedea Teaching Hospital and College of Health Sciences in her home district. 

Clearly, online activism has moved the dial on social accountability. The government and others who have been the subject of the exhibitions may not always be responsive, but they can’t claim they haven’t heard the voice of the people.

One can argue that the traction of online social justice campaigns makes the riskier street protests unnecessary. Indeed, in a country where public demonstrations on hot button issues have been criminalised in complete disregard of the constitutional right of citizens to protest and petition the government, the alternative offered by digital platforms should be embraced.

But the digital warriors leading these campaigns still face the same risks that the street activists before them confronted – such as surveillance, online smear attacks, threats of arrests and other forms of intimidation. Accordingly, online activism should not be seen as a replacement of traditional forms of protest. As Dr. Ssentongo argued when he appeared on Robert Kabushenga’s #360Mentor X Space in April last year, it should not be an either-or-question. “Those who can organise online should and those who can organise (through) other means should (also do so),” he said.

The other issue that has been raised quite a lot especially during the #UgandaParliamentExhibition is the failure of the traditional news media (newspapers, radio, and television) to uncover the corruption in parliament.

The credibility of the journalists who cover parliament has taken a major knock, but this does not mean social media should replace mainstream media as our only sources of news as some have suggested.

In defence of the journalists who are still passionate about public affairs reporting, the gatekeeping bar for what gets to be published in the major media houses is much higher. On social media, anything goes, although to AGORA’s credit, most of the information they have released about parliament has been verified.

But it would be unrealistic to expect citizen-driven online campaigns to bring the same “discipline of verification” parliament’s Director of Communication and Public Affairs Chris Obore, a former journalist, seems to demand. Social media will always be messy. Just like democracy, some would say.

We need a multiplicity of platforms (both digital/social media as well as credible mainstream media) to provide information about what is happening in parliament and other public sectors, provide the public with platforms for debate, and hold duty bearers accountable.  

And we need sustained pressure both online and offline to continue driving the demand for accountability and meaningful change. In a democracy, what has been exposed through Uganda’s online exhibitions would have been enough to drive action and change. But in a country where leaders are openly contemptuous of public opinion, and where the public cannot count on free and fair elections to kick out those who abuse their trust, online activists and other social justice actors still have their work cut out.

About the author: Dr. Peter G. Mwesige is Chief of Party of the USAID Your Rights Activity led by CIPESA.

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